• 05032009 - Rusen Cakır - AKP'nin 2009 yerel seçimlerinde alacağı sonuçlar hangi kıstaslara göre değerlendirilmeli ?

    Ruşen Çakır
    AKP'nin 2009 yerel seçimlerinde alacağı sonuçlar hangi kıstaslara göre değerlendirilmeli ?

    Jeudi 5 mars 2009
  • Abstract Charly Delmas Nguefack Tsafack : The Amity International College network: an instrument of Turkish soft power in Cameroon

    The Amity International College network: an instrument of Turkish soft power in Cameroon

    The emerging countries are likely to play a leading role in the world economy and governance in a more or less near future. Africa constitutes a new playing field of these countries. Forsaken formerly by globalization, the African continent from now on is courted as well by the traditional industrial powers as by the emergent powers. Turkey is not in rest. In 1998, the Turkish diplomats through their Ministry of Foreign Affairs started the “Opening up to Africa” Program. Within the framework of a strategy of indirect influence in Africa, a tacit agreement between the Turkish Ministry of National education and the association known as the “fethullahcı” allowed the development of a network of Turkish schools on the black continent. It is the case of the Amity international college network of Cameroon who counts already three school groups (Ngaoundere, Yaounde and Douala). This article proposes to show, starting from an investigation of field research and of an empirical analysis, how Turkey through these schools installs its influence in Cameroon. The article first of all presents the network of Amity International College of Cameroon before examining the challenges of the establishment of this company. The article also shows that these schools are an instrument of the cultural and economic power of Turkey in Cameroon. It concludes that this network of schools of excellence constitutes a powerful instrument of Turkish soft power in Cameroon.

  • Ayşegül Bozan « Tayyip Erdoğan et les jeunes militants de l’AKP : Identification et coproduction d’une figure de leader »

    Ayşegül Bozan, « Tayyip Erdoğan et les jeunes militants de l’AKP : Identification et coproduction d’une figure de leader », Confluences Méditerranée 2018/4 107 pp. 29-42. https://www.cairn.info/revue-confluences-mediterranee-2018-4-page-29.htm

    Cet article approche la question de l’autoritarisme politique par le biais d’une analyse qualitative des représentations politiques des jeunes militants de l’AKP concernant leur leader Tayyip Erdoğan. Il examine particulièrement trois questions : comment les jeunes militants s’identifient-ils au leader politique ? Comment ce dernier cadre-t-il et modifie-t-il les opinions et représentations ? Et enfin, comment les militants contribuent-ils à la consolidation du pouvoir du leader en cadrant et faisant circuler continuellement son image ?

  • Bref décryptage de la politique par les grands projets de l'AKP

    Bref décryptage de la politique par les grands projets de l'AKP

    La « Vision 2023 » ou encore la « Nouvelle Turquie », promues par l’AKP dans la perspective du centenaire de la République se composent de listes de grands projets supposés matérialiser, mesurer et attester des avancées technologiques et économiques de la Turquie sous la direction de ce parti. Au-delà de la question de la cohérence, des conséquences sociales et environnementales ou encore de la faisabilité de cette profusion de grands projets d’infrastructure (le troisième pont, le troisième aéroport, le canal d’Istanbul, etc.), énergétiques (construction de centaines de centrales thermiques, deux centrales nucléaires d’ici 2023, etc.) et de défense (indigénisation de la production de tanks... http://dipnot.hypotheses.org/1526

  • É. Massicard, N. Watts (dir.) Negotiating Political Power in Turkey: Breaking up the Party

     

    Élise Massicard, Nicole Watts (dir.) Negotiating Political Power in Turkey: Breaking up the PartyRoutledge Studies in Middle Eastern Politics, Oxford, Routledge, 2012, 208p. ISBN 978-0-415-62518-0

    This edited collection looks at how political parties in Turkey actually work, inside and out. Departing from traditional macro-level analyses, the book offers a new sociological approach to the study of political parties, treating them as non-unitary entities composed of many different groups and individuals who both cooperate and compete with one another.
    The central proposition of the book is that parties must be studied as clusters of relationships in specific locales rather than as unitary ‘black boxes.’ This ground-up approach provides new insights into the internal workings of political parties; why parties gain and lose elections and other political resources; and the ways in which power is negotiated and exercised in Turkey and beyond.
    Chapters include studies of Islamic and Islamist parties from the 1970s to the present, ethnic Kurdish parties, center- and extreme right parties, and the far left, as well as independent candidates. The authors pay particular attention to relations – and the blurry boundaries-- between parties and civil society groups, religious associations, non-governmental organizations, ethnic and socio-economic groups, and state institutions, and to the variability of external and internal party politics in different geographies such as Adana, Mersin, and Diyarbakir.

  • Girard M., Polo JF., Scalbert-Yücel C. (eds) Turkish Cultural Policies in a Global World

    Girard M., Polo JF., Scalbert-Yücel C. (eds) Turkish Cultural Policies in a Global World. Palgrave Macmillan lien

    This book provides a multidisciplinary analysis of the production of Turkish cultural policies in the context of globalization and of the circulation of knowledge and practices. Focusing on circulations, the book proposes an innovative approach to the transfer of cultural policies, considering them in terms of co-production and synchrony. This argument is developed through an examination of circulations at the international, national, and local levels; employing original empirical data and case study analyses. 
    Divided into three parts the book first examines the Kemalist legacy, before turning to the cultural policies developed under the AKP’s leadership, and concludes by investigating the production of cultural policies in the outlying regions of Turkey. The authors shed new light on the particular importance of culture to the understanding of the societal upheavals in contemporary Turkey. By considering exchanges as circulations rather than one-way impositions, this book also advances our understanding of how territories are (re)defined by culture and makes a significant contribution to the interrogation of the concept of “Westernization”. 
    This book brings into clear focus the reconfigurations currently taking place in Turkish cultural policy, demonstrating that while they are driven by the ruling party, they are also the work of civil society actors. It convincingly argues that an authoritarian turn need not necessarily spell the end of the cultural scene, and highlights the innovative adaptations and resistance strategies used in this context. This book will appeal to students and scholars of public policy, sociology and cultural studies.

  • GSÜ - Sylvie Gangloff - Boire en Turquie : contexte intolérant et transgression - 22/2/2018

    Jeudi 22 février 2018 à 18h à l'Université Galatasaray
    Sylvie Gangloff
    (FMSH)
    Dans le cadre du séminaire « Nouvelles gouvernementalités ? »
    une collaboration entre l'IFEA et la GSÜ

    inscription : https://www.inscription-facile.com/form/5U9WJGgSP0pXdM4Pgldt

    Boire en Turquie : contexte intolérant et transgression


    Dans de nombreux espaces sociaux et géographiques en Turquie, consommer de l’alcool ne fait partie ni des rites de sociabilité, ni des rites d’hospitalité. Et même plus, les discours officiels, la morale populaire et dans une certaine mesure la presse ont depuis longtemps assimilé la consommation d’alcool à un véritable fléau social. Dans un discours sans ambages, assimilant boire avec ivrognerie puis avec alcoolisme,  arguant d’un impératif de protection sociale et sanitaire (essentiellement ici la protection de la famille), le buveur est stigmatisé, relégué dans des espaces circonscrits, isolés et confinés. Dès lors, dans certains milieux, les buveurs deviennent des transgresseurs. Et puisque ils sont soustraits à la régulation induite par la sociabilisation, puisque ostracisés, puisque ils ont déjà transgressé un interdit moral (et religieux), leurs comportements n’en sont que plus excessifs. Ce discours sur le fléau social a connu un regain avec les campagnes « anti-alcool » du gouvernement AKP. Les espaces de consommation ont été encore réduits par un ensemble de dispositions juridiques  et les condamnations morales sont énoncées plus vigoureusement.

  • Gül Arıkan Akdağ - Ethnicity and Elections in Turkey: Party Politics and the Mobilization of Swing Voters - 9/3/2015

    Gül Arıkan Akdağ
    Université Katip Çelebi
    Lundi 9 mars 2015 à 18h
    intervention en anglais

    Ethnicity and Elections in Turkey: Party Politics and the Mobilization of Swing Voters

    The move towards a predominant party system thanks to AKP’s successes at the ballot box is one of the most important developments of the Turkish party system and debated issue among political scientists. In addition, the rising Kurdish ethnic demands and support for the pro-Kurdish parties is an important characteristic of the system. The electoral success of AKP among voters of Turkish and Kurdish origin has been mostly evaluated in the literature through the programmatic effectiveness of the party. Yet, a considerable number of studies have found support for the existence of patronage or clientelism as a tool used by Turkish political parties to consolidate and increase support. Unfortunately, a systematic analysis on the effectiveness of such a strategy or the mechanisms through which it is carried has not been conducted in the Turkish context. The aim of the book is to fulfill this gap by analyzing the use and effectiveness of the clientelistic distribution of municipal resources by AKP to consolidate or increase its support among potential swing voters of Turkish and Kurdish origin. By emphasizing the possible impact of clientelistic distribution through the partisan network, the book aims to identify a further variable in explaining the success of AKP at the ballot box for three consecutive elections.

  • İsmet Akça - AKP Döneminde Ordu-Siyaset İlişkileri - 12/6/2017

    Lundi 12 juin 2017 à 18h à l'IFEA
    İsmet Akça

    intervention en turc
    Dans le cadre du séminaire « Sociologie politique de la Turquie contemporaine »

    inscription avant le 12 juin à midi: https://www.inscription-facile.com/form/oivKboI9SfSyHCC7eYEy

    AKP Döneminde Ordu-Siyaset İlişkileri

    Türkiye siyasetinde ordunun politik rolü her zaman ama özelikle de 1980 sonrasında önemli bir araştırma ve tartışma konusu olmuştur. 2000’li yıllardaki sivilleşme reformları demokratik bir devlet formuna ve demokratik sivil denetime yol açmamış, devlet aygıtını kontrol amacıyla polis-yargı merkezli yeni bir güvenlik devleti ortaya çıkmıştır. 15 Temmuz darbe girişimi ve sonrası ordunun demokratik sivil denetimi tartışmaları yeniden gündemdedir. Bu sunuşta 2000’lerde ordu-siyaset ilişkilerinin gelişimi alt dönemlere ayrılarak ve belirleyici iç ve dış dinamikler ele alınarak tartışılacaktır.

  • J.-F. Pérouse : Istanbul, du « seuil de la félicité brisé » à la mégapole internationale

    confl med83Jean-François Pérouse, Istanbul, du « seuil de la félicité brisé » à la mégapole internationale in La Turquie d’aujourd’hui au miroir de l’Histoire, B. Alex et D. Billion (dir.), Confluences Méditerranée 2012/4 (N° 83) , L'Harmattan, Paris, p,11-18

    Également disponible en ligne sur cairn.info. DOI 10.3917/come.083.0011

    Istanbul est la plus grande mégapole européenne si l’on inclut sa partie asiatique. Il est clair que le pouvoir AKP veut en faire un phare à la gloire de la nouvelle puissance turque. Cet article revient sur l’urbanisme récent en décryptant les desseins qui le sous-tendent. Il le resitue également dans le temps plus long pour démontrer que l’activisme urbanistique n’est pas uniquement une oeuvre de l’AKP.

  • J.-F. Pérouse : Le parc Gezi : dessous d’une transformation très politique

    Jean-François Pérouse, « Le parc Gezi : dessous d’une transformation très politique », Métropolitiques, 24 juin 2013. URL : http://www.metropolitiques.eu/Le-parc-Gezi-dessous-d-une.html

  • J.-F. Pérouse et S. Kaya, "249 contro 301. Ossessione sicuritaria e rassegnazione organizzata nell’affrontare i rischi ambientali, sanitari ed economici: il caso turco"

    PÉROUSE Jean-François et KAYA Sümbül, "249 contro 301. Ossessione sicuritaria e rassegnazione organizzata nell’affrontare i rischi ambientali, sanitari ed economici: il caso turco", in S. Palidda (dir.), Resistenze ai disastri sanitari, ambientali ed economici nel Mediterraneo, Doc(k)s, 2018. ISBN 978-88-6548-236-0

    Jean François Pérouse e Sümbül Kaya descrivono ilcaso della Turchia mostrando come il contro-colpo di Stato da parte del dittatore Erdoğan permetta di occultare tutti i disastri e l’aggravamentodelle condizioni di vita della popolazione nonché la violazione dei diritti edelle libertà in un paese devastato da un forte sviluppo neoliberista.

  • J.-F. Polo "Turkish Cultural Policy: In Search of a New Model?"

    J.-F. Polo, "Turkish Cultural Policy: In Search of a New Model?" in Girard M., Polo JF., Scalbert-Yücel C. (eds) Turkish Cultural Policies in a Global World. Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 77-103. lien

    In 2012 the Turkish Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) government announced it was drafting a new cultural policy better attuned to changes affecting Turkish society and contemporary dynamics within the cultural sector. Policy-makers argued that a new model was needed for cultural policy which would “break with the French model” and be closer to “the English model”. The new normative framework was to consolidate shifts in Turkey’s cultural policy since the AKP came to power in 2002. However, the succession of serious political events since this announcement, coupled with internal and external tensions, have led this planned overhaul of cultural policy to be deferred until a later date.

  • LIÉGEOIS Lauranne - Le pouvoir turc et la question d’Internet. Que révèle de l’AKP sa politique de gestion du Web ?

    Mémoire présenté par Lauranne LIÉGEOIS
    Sous la Direction de Firouzeh NAHAVANDI
    Assesseur : Pierre VANRIE
    En vue de l’obtention du grade de Master
    en sciences politiques à finalité
    Politique et Société des pays émergents
    à l'Université Libre de Bruxelles
    2012-2013

    Télécharger Le pouvoir turc et la question d’Internet.
    Que révèle de l’AKP sa politique de gestion du Web ?

  • Mine Alpaslan "Les modes de leadership partisan en Turquie: la maîtrise des "règles du jeu" à travers le "jeu sur les règles" 04/11/13

    Lundi 4 novembre 2013 à 18h à l'IFEA
    Mine Alpaslan (Paris I-Sorbonne)
    "Les modes de leadership partisan en Turquie: la maîtrise des "règles du jeu" à travers le "jeu sur les règles"
    Intervention en français

  • Prof.Dr. Nevzat Yalçıntaş - Türkiye'yi yükselten yıllar - Hatıralar - 04/03/2013

    Prof.Dr. Nevzat Yalçıntaş (fondateur de l'AKP) interviendra autour de son dernier ouvrage Türkiye'yi yükselten yıllar - Hatıralar publié par İşaret Yayınları en août 2012.
    lundi 4 mars 2013 à 16h00 à l'IFEA

    Intervention en turc

  • Sevinç Doğan - İktidarın meşruiyet ve destek zemini olarak kitle siyaseti ve bağları - 24/4/2018

    Mardi 24 avril 2018 à 18h à l'IFEA
    Sevinç Doğan
    (Université Mimar Sinan)
    dans le cadre du séminaire « Sociologie politique de la Turquie contemporaine »
    intervention en turc


    inscription avant le 24 avril à midi : https://www.inscription-facile.com/form/IgGr57DIQYComVlUTP2Y

    İktidarın meşruiyet ve destek zemini olarak kitle siyaseti ve bağları

    15 Temmuz'dan bu yana Türkiye'de siyasal ve toplumsal yaşamda önemli değişimler meydana geldi.  OHAL'in ilan edilmesi ve uzatılması bunlardan biri oldu. 16 Nisan Referandumu ile gündeme gelen anayasa değişiliği önerisi de bir kırılma yarattı. Referandum başkanlık sistemi etrafında bir rejim tartışması olarak yapıldı ve oy oranları toplumun en az yarısının bu sistemi onaylamadığını gösterdi. İktidar ise artan toplumsal hoşnutsuzluklar ve muhalefet karşısında otoriter yüzünü daha da arttırmak yoluna başvurdu. Fakat her şeye rağmen iktidarın, kitle desteğini ve onayını kaybetmek istemediği görülüyor. Toplumun belli kesimleri arasında korumaya  kitle çalışmaları ve bağları iktidarın statükoyu sürdürmesinde önemli görülüyor. Bu anlamıyla iktidarın yerellerde kurduğu kitle bağlarını nasıl okumak gerekir?  İktidar toplumun farklı toplumsal kesimlerine ulaşırken nasıl bir söylem üretiyor ve gündelik yaşamlarına nasıl etki ediyor?  İktidar toplumsal alandan destek sağladığı ev kadınlarına, yeni orta sınıflara, İslami-muhafazakar kesimlere ya da eğitim-ekonomik sermayeden yoksun genç kesimlere nasıl hitap edebiliyor?'






  • Y. Benhaim - Quelle politique kurde pour l’AKP ?

    Yohanan Benhaim, « Quelle politique kurde pour l’AKP ? ». Politique étrangère 2014(2), p39‑50. doi:10.3917/pe.142.0039.